The Proliferation of Corruption through Transnational Crime Essay Example for Free

The Proliferation of Corruption through Transnational Crime Essay The international struggle against terrorism has caused policy analysts globally to review the repercussions of such policies on the preponderance of corruption. Corruption has been acknowledged as a perennial, global phenomenon; however, it is only in contemporary times that the gravity of its impact on peace and security have been scrutinized (Thachuk, 2005). Transnational organized crime groups have effectively corrupted those in authority to â€Å"selling their sovereignty so as to create states of convenience from which to conduct international operations.† Thus, in carrying this our, they have caused grave disturbance of financial market movements, destructions of aspiring democratic governments and have engaged in callous practices just to achieve their villainous ends (Beare, 1997). The Transparency International Newsletter has stated that these global perpetrators have established implicit agreements with corrupt government officials who virtually steal from their own citizens. The vastness and profundity of the corruption of transnational crime groups ceases to just being bothersome for commerce; nor is it a simple mechanism for fast tracking requests from government authority, or of being a financier for elections. This global problem represents a significant threat to state sovereignty, destroying both local and global transactions. Of more crucial importance is the fact that official corruption of transnational crime groups â€Å"threaten international stability and security with relative impunity† (Transparency International Newsletter, 2001 in Thachuk, 2005). Acknowledging the grave nature of the use of official corruption, this paper proceeds with the following objectives: 1) In the context of the relationship between officialdom and transnational organized crime groups what is a satisfactory definition of official corruption that suits the purposes of research into what corrupt practices actually facilitate the activities of such groups; 2) identify which branches or units of government are most susceptible to corruption in this context (for example: police, customs, immigration departments) and why; and 3) through an extensive review of related literature, cite concrete examples from a global scale of the corrupt practices that facilitate the activities of organized crime groups. International Response to Organized Crime and Corruption International operations such as the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) have provided a means for scrutinizing various aspects of organized crime regulation through the study of specific factors in organized crime operations like money laundering. By ensuring that such processes are carried out while still respecting the sovereignty of involved countries, the knowledge regarding organized crime has immensely benefited (Beare, 1997). At present, most international efforts against organized crime have highlighted the importance of examining organized crime with respect to the location of its operations. Illegal markets initiate the proliferation of criminal activities. These are influenced by the presence of risk factors as well as the level of demand. The current approach being utilized is a joint international effort, instead of the traditional ranking systems (Beare, 1997; Thachuk, 2005). This collaborative method which is a recent development differs widely from the other approaches being utilized for the reduction of corruption. Similar to the 1960’s view on organized crime, the dominant outlook is that corruption is a threat located in foreign shores which can be remedied by identifying those nations which are the top violators (Transparency International Global Report, 2001). With such a set-up, people may fail to see that some corrupt and legitimate practices may be inextricably intertwined. Also the nature of corruption from this viewpoint would be explained without the needed historical, political and social contexts. Lastly, such an approach works on an assumption that there is a uniform definition of corruption, which may not be the same across boundaries (Transparency International Global Report, 2001). â€Å"Corruption† is currently being viewed as if its definition was the same across nations. In a similar sense, â€Å"organized crime† had previously been used as an umbrella term for all types of criminal activities. However, the issue of corruption across different jurisdictions would inevitably involve encountering different definitions and other factors. Although the usual analyses of corruption would readily acknowledge historical factors behind the development of corrupt behavior, they would still fail in recognizing that the definition of corruption varies from place to place. Some forms of behavior may be more widely accepted as corrupt when compared to others depending on the locality. Four arbitrary categories from a western perspective may be used to demonstrate the wide scope of this concept (Beare, 1997): Bribes/kick-backs. Payments are demanded or expected in return for being allowed to do legitimate business. The payment becomes the license to do business. Those who make the payments are allowed to compete or to win contracts; Election/Campaign Corruption. Illegal payments are made at the time of elections to secure continuing influence; Protection. Officials accept payments (or privilege) from criminal organizations in exchange for permitted them to engage in illegitimate businesses; Systemic top-down corruption. A nations wealth is systematically syphoned off or exploited by the ruling elites (Beare, 1997, p. 157). The aforementioned categories are neither complete nor exclusionary. They are only listed for the purpose of comparing the differences between the ill effects arising from each. Bribes or Kick-backs Bribes or kick-backs are the small or large payments which are made to facilitate the acquisition of permits, licenses and contracts. Businesses which are legal participate in this transaction in order to hasten processes or to gain an advantage over other competitors. According to Ernesto Savona (1995), being â€Å"sly† (furbo) in this case utilizing bribery would mean that a person is simply taking advantage of opportunities. However, this should still be within acceptable limits, as those charged and eventually convicted with corruption in Italy had exceeded the acceptable boundaries (Savona, 1995). There seems to be a culture of acceptance in some areas such as Latin America, where individuals in power are still expected to patronize and support people with whom they have relationships with such as their family and party (Savona, 1995). This can be seen with police demand â€Å"bites† (mordidas) instead of issuing tickets for violations, undisclosed donations being accepted by political parties, bidding for out-of-court â€Å"settlements† and the use of â€Å"speed money† to steer clear of bureaucracy (Savona, 1995). Although a uniform definition is yet to be agreed upon for this form of corruption, it nevertheless receives the most media attention. The past few years have seen how countries are openly ranked in this form of corruption based on their â€Å"reputation† in engaging in this sort of act. One organization engaging in the elimination of corruption in business practices is Transparency International (TI) (e.g. Hong Kong Independent Commission Against Corruption sponsored 1983 in Wash. DC., 1985 NY City, 1987 Hong Kong, 1989 Sydney Australia, 1992 Amsterdam, the Netherlands, 1993 Cancun Mexico, 1995 Beijing, China). This organization had sponsored several surveys which rated the â€Å"perceived level† of corruption in different countries. The 1995 TI Corruption Index tried to assess just how much corruption has affected businesses. In a similar study, Huberts (1996) interviewed delegates from different countries regarding public corruption, service and ethics. He goes on to say how his study is not well received among academicians, but aside from the sensitive nature of the data, this reception of the study may simply be due to the wide range or types of corruption. These surveys are limited to the fact that they may very well just be measuring corruption in its most blatant forms (Criminal Justice International, 1996; Companies and their Consciences, 1996). Election Corruption Providing the needed funding as well as â€Å"other forms† of support during the election period is part of this form of corruption. This is accomplished to obtain needed â€Å"influence†.   Even with international observers, many voters in countries such as Thailand and India continue to expect that their votes would be bought. Corruption continues to be an issue even after elections as the heads of state of Venezuela, Brazil, Spain and Italy serve as specific cases (Beare, 1997; Wright, 1997). In the United States, the issue of campaign costs which can run up to the hundreds of millions of dollars for candidates cannot be overlooked. MacArthur (1997) did not want to place the blame solely on the backers and businessmen alone. He cited how politicians would tend to sell different items such including an intangible commodity called â€Å"access†, which is occasionally translate to a vote for a certain bill (MacArthur, 1997). The public was exposed to stories which involved White House bedrooms being rented out for sleepovers and of Clinton being associated with Indonesian campaign funds. The purchasing of â€Å"access† and influence in political Action Committees was also readily seen. MacArthur (1997) continues to say that a candidate clamoring for reforms backed by three billionaires is no more bought than a party hack that has spent his career in obtaining money from millionaires in several occasions. Sometimes, cultural factors may affect how society would react to this form of corruption. Savona (1995) cited how a focus on corruption enabled Italy to discredit or oust old ruling class and expedited the change towards a new political system. He continued to state his fear on how new corrupters could be produced who would be able to escape the eyes of law enforcers, having learned their lesson from those who had been caught earlier. Those politicians who appear to be greatly opposed towards corruption in Latin America at times may very well have been the primary violators themselves.   The Wall Street Journal (1996) continues by citing a particular news-weekly which stated how everyone is â€Å"an accuser and accused†. Protection Another type of corruption involves allowing criminal acts to pervade in exchange for money, which is an activity aided by the presence of corrupt officials. Activities which involve the importation and exportation of goods such as drug trafficking and smuggling operations as well as illegal gambling are some probable activities (Beare, 1997). Aside from an environment provided by government which may be conducive, organized crime continues to persist because of corrupt relations existing between violators and regulatory or enforcement agencies. Through the use of violent and intimidating acts, criminal organizations may be able to influence any dispute settlement activities that are raised to control agencies. Thus, these very control agencies may be the same ones allowing the criminal operations (MacArthur, 1997). Within formerly communist and dictator-led countries, newly-granted freedoms have resulted in varying forms of social disorganization. The existence of illegal activities such as black markets under former regimes coupled with new freedoms has ensured that corruption would be rampant (MacArthur, 1997).  Ã‚  Ã‚   New laws and regulations may have the same effect as changes in government and political alignments. Approximately 800 million pounds was lost through fraudulent means in the 1996 European Union budget. Some transnational operations involve complicit government officials. Various opportunities for corruption are presented during the determination of when taxes are applicable and reimbursable. Corruption has also been traced in countries receiving aid for their transition governments or which has experienced an environmental disaster (Leiken, 1996). One case has at its center two professors from Harvard embezzling a government funds amounting to 57 million dollars for a project in Russia. One journalist stated: â€Å"The case is certain to run and run, doubtless spawning lawsuits as it goes. But for the Russians it is, at the very least, a reminder that all is not always as rosy as it sounds either in the cradle of democracy or in the stratosphere of its academia† (Harvard Caught Up in Moscow Row, 1997). Another incident in 1996 involved the arrest of a United States immigration agent by Hong Kongs Independent Commission Against Corruption. The very same agent who had cracked down on smuggling operations realized that the profits to be made were too tempting. By negotiating with various Honduran and Hong Kong officials, he was able to organize a smuggling operation for himself (Beare, 1997). Corrupt individuals may also be found in the implementation of environmental laws. Bonanno and Constance (1996) have cited how corporations, specifically those involved in the tuna-dolphin issue, are constantly in search of countries with more lenient environmental laws as well as cheaper labor and taxes. They had delved on how purse-seine tuna fishing yielded greater catches of tuna while also capturing dolphins at the same time. Prohibitions were implemented by the United States against this particular from of fishing (Bonanno Constance, 1996). Some strategies which have been employed by corporations involve changing the flags of fishing boats into those of foreign nations as well as the shipment of tuna from third-party countries. In a similar case, there is believed to be an underground garlic smuggling operation resulting from the protective tariffs on garlic in the state of California. Corrupt officials have become the beneficiaries of these illegal activities (Myers in Beare, 1997). Corruption in the ranks of police officials has also been an issue of concern for many countries such as Canada. Although these cases may be uncommon, police corruption cases tend to be highly-publicized (Myers in Beare, 1997). One possible explanation could be the development of legislation which benefits those individuals participating in money laundering investigations and sting operations. Coupled with the confiscation of huge volumes of money and drugs, the police can become especially prone to taking part in corruption (Mollen Commission Report, 1994). Different places have earned their own notorious reputations for corruption in their respective police organizations. However, the task of making approximate comparisons regarding the corruption among these different areas would prove to be seemingly impossible. This is because corruption that has not yet been caught or identified in some districts would never be accounted for (Mollen Commission Report, 1994). Systemic Corruption In 1992, an ironic sequence of events had unfolded in Brazil starting from the impeachment of then President Fernando Collor de Mello for graft and influence peddling after he had won the election through an anti-corruption platform. Following this, many of those who had accused him in Congress were also charged with embezzlement involving the committees which they had headed. A poll in 1993 had cited corruption and a weak government as the reason behind the dwindling support for democracy (Beare, 1997). This systemic category of corruption has been the most highly publicized and is characterized by the vulnerability of the whole society to different forms of corruption. At times this may even involve the illegal transfer of wealth from the country to its leadership. An illegal activity of this nature would usually be accomplished over a lengthy period of time before the voluntary exit or forced ouster of the leader. Corruption of this type is a combination of the first three types of corruption and usually implicates the elite (Beare, 1997). Countering Corruption Following the September 11, 2001 terrorism attack in New York and Washington, the chief of Interpol, Ronald Noble (2001) expressed that the struggle to combat terrorism cannot be won over through the military’s efforts alone. He further cites, [the most sophisticated security systems, the best structures, or trained and dedicated security personnel are useless, if they are undermined from the inside by a single act of corruption (Noble, 2001). The fight against transnational crime groups’ corrupt and terroristic activities is effectively staged through the democracy strongly practiced within the states they use.   While this is being said, many of the states involved are experiencing the grave repercussions of corruption by transnational crime groups. An outcome is more stringent efforts towards its resolution, including conferences, agreements and pledges made by global and regional entities collaborating to solve the issue (Noble, 2001). The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) have established a partnership aiming to control if not totally eradicate bribery, especially among foreign officers. These parties concur that by addressing corruption as a mere crime may not adequate; it may be more practical to delve into the root causes of the problem and its role in the promotion of transnational crime.   Other entities which have pledged their commitment in combating corruption is the African Union and the Organization of American States (Introductory Proceedings ADB/OECD Conference on Combating Corruption in Asian and Pacific Economies, 1999).   An overarching strategy for the encouragement of effective governance is by implementing â€Å"structural, legal, and administrative† foolproof policy changes that will discourage corrupt activities among citizens as well as those in authority. In addition, being able to develop a country economically and strengthening its institutions will weaken the hold of transnational crime groups over these nations. Other measures to counter corruption practices is to beef up the military and security agencies of the country. For instance, the provision of financial assistance of the International Monetary Fund of the World Bank partly anchors its lending decision to the country’s initiatives to counter corruption. They have put exceptional premium on the practice of effective governance spelled out in terms of fiscal responsibility and the honesty and morality with which they undertake their transactions within the government, as attested to by the statutes stated in the IMF Code of Good Practices on Fiscal Transparency (2001). The IMF Code of Good Practices on Fiscal Transparency (2001) specifies goals for principles and practices, culled from the IMP’s prescription of good governance among its affiliate nations. Transparency International is a non-governmental organization that offers comprehensive hand-holding to those nations which aim to counter corruption and financial maneuvering of transnational crime groups (Transparency International Global Report, 2001). To carry this out, it disseminates a bulletin on â€Å"corruption-in essence using publicity and peer pressure† to encourage administrations into supporting similar programs intended to battle corruption. The group has emphasized the revelation of terrorism-related money laundering acts (Transparency International Global Report, 2001). Such a profound perspective on battling corruption is better than superficial initiatives. Numerous agreements which have been drafted since time immemorial have not made a difference in resolving this issue while transnational crime groups continue to steal â€Å"officially† from these nations (Transparency International Global Corruption Report, 2001). Instead, the most effective vehicle for countering prevalent corruption in any number of nations is the media. The â€Å"name and shame† lobbying of the media has had the most potent impact, and has made the public keenly informed about corruption. The pubilcity has emphasized the accusations wrought on the corrupt political leaders, including Guilio Andreotti, Noboru Takeshita, Alberto Fujimori, and Carlos Salinas, to mention a few (Tranparency International Global Corruption Report, 2001). More alarming is the fact that politicians use information on corrupt acitivities to launch smear campaigns against their adversaries. These have worked effectively in nations including Italy, France, Mexico, Costa Rica, Thailand, Japan, and Nigeria, among others. This strongly signifies the negativity raised among the public on corrupt officials, and those that benefit from breaching the trust of the voting public (Transparency International Global Corruption Report, 2001). Once they have been legally appointed as government officials, the honesty which they have once professed gives out and they are eaten by the corrupt system. I There have been global agreements put in place to resolve various human rights issues that have been inflicted by transnational crime groups. The metrics against   transnational crime ought to be taken in on the national, regional and global scales to attain authentic effectiveness. A handful of these initiatives have been established; for instance, in 1988 the UN Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotics Drugs and Psychotropic Substances or the UN Drug Convention, it has been necessary to ask for the legal help of all nations participating in the conference (Savona Defeo, year). Another initiative at the regional level is the formation of the Financial Action Task Force at the Economic Summit of Industrialized Countries in 1989. The group aims to draft a global perspective in the resolution of money laundering. In the latter part of 1988, the Group of Ten countries established the Basel Committee on Banking Regulations and Supervisory Practices, and the Council of Europe has a draft convention on money laundering (Savona Defeo, year). Two years after in 1990, the European Plan to Fight Drugs has been instituted by the Europeran Community. The program has been further developed in 1992 (Labrouse Wallon, year). These initiatives at all levels will contribute significantly to the resolution of the corruption traced from transnational crime which have inflicted harm to global governments and their economies.The cooperation among law enforcement forces must also be encouraged to allow the sharing of information related to the movements of these crime groups.   There has been a conference among law enforcement agencies from more than 100 countries – this Naples confrence intended to share data on transnational crime. Global protocol for such information exchange must also be crafted (National legislation and its adequacy to deal with the various forms of organized transnational crime: Appropriate guidelines for legislative and other measures to be taken on the national level, 1994). However, the constraints of such initiatives are apparent at both national and global levels. For instance, in the US, they are presently very gullible to transnational crime since â€Å"federal law prohibits the CIA from sharing with the FBI intelligence that it collects abroad.† Numerous legal protections of its citizens, specifically addressing the rights of the accused, have been taken advtantaged of by high level criminals. The other loopholes between information and law enforcement are also leveraged on by these crime groups and ought to be addressed in global crime conferences (National legislation and its adequacy to deal with the various forms of organized transnational crime: Appropriate guidelines for legislative and other measures to be taken on the national level, 1994). The UN has indicated that the struggle against corruption inflicted by transnational crime groups could be imporoved if there is greater collaboration among countries in taking on laws that criminalize participation or engagement with such group activities, conspiracy, laundering and asset forfeiture. This was specified in their policy proposals for the 1994 Ministerial Conference on Organized Transnational Crime (National legislation and its adequacy to deal with the various forms of organized transnational crime: Appropriate guidelines for legislative and other measures to be taken on the national level, 1994). Moreover, these documents have also uphled the implementation of measures for addressing transnational crime (The feasibility of elaborating international instruments, including conventions, against organized transnational crime, 1994). The participation of more countries has been encouraging; however, there will remain nations whose officials have been hopelessly corrupted and whose legal systems are too backward or obsolete – precluding participation into such collaboration. There will still be loopholes in these countries, and official corruption shall surely take its toll in their law enforcement capabilities. International Response to Organized Crime and Corruption International operations such as the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) have provided a means for scrutinizing various aspects of organized crime regulation through the study of specific factors in organized crime operations like money laundering. By ensuring that such processes are carried out while still respecting the sovereignty of involved countries, the knowledge regarding organized crime has immensely benefited (Beare, 1997). At present, most international efforts against organized crime have highlighted the importance of examining organized crime with respect to the location of its operations. Illegal markets initiate the proliferation of criminal activities. These are influenced by the presence of risk factors as well as the level of demand. The current approach being utilized is a joint international effort, instead of the traditional ranking systems (Beare, 1997; Thachuk, 2005). This collaborative method which is a recent development differs widely from the other approaches being utilized for the reduction of corruption. Similar to the 1960’s view on organized crime, the dominant outlook is that corruption is a threat located in foreign shores which can be remedied by identifying those nations which are the top violators (Transparency International Global Report, 2001). With such a set-up, people may fail to see that some corrupt and legitimate practices may be inextricably intertwined. Also the nature of corruption from this viewpoint would be explained without the needed historical, political and social contexts. Lastly, such an approach works on an assumption that there is a uniform definition of corruption, which may not be the same across boundaries (Transparency International Global Report, 2001). Conclusion From the review of related literature, it may be clearly gleaned that transnational crime groups aim for states which have implicit acceptance of corruption. Upon establishment in these havens, they seek corrupt officials and security personnel who will expedite their financial dealings and routine. Among the benefits they yield from this network is access to plans of the government and eventual protection of their illegal activities (Thachuk, 2005). In cleverly setting up their operations this way, they effectively allow individuals to run governments – with the latter ceasing to be an acknowledged institution. Moreover, they disrespect the law and rid it of any legitimacy. Because of their corrupt activities, these nations are deprived of opportunities to participate in international agenda. On a more encompassing scale, the use of official corruption of transnational crime groups ceases to be a problem of the concerned republics but more of a global security issue (Beare, 1997; Thachuk, 2005). The alarmingly quick development of transnational crime is an international occurrence that merits attention. The phenomenon has successfully been integrated into political channels, corrupting them to gain legitimacy for their illegal transactions. The grave outcomes of this include the deterrment of economic growth, disrespect and threat against democracy, corruption for the law and   for some nations, ethnic violations. The loopholes posed by weakness of the states, including Africa, Latin America, and Asia make them incapable of controlling their own boundaries or to form apt internal legal groups.These borders have become webs of netting through whose holes passes the business of organized crime through corruption. The impending danger posed on countries by corruption of transnational crime groups is not caused by a single criminal entity. Instead, this is composed of a vast criminal network that has potent political and economic networks. They have effectively used corruption to deter law enforcement institutions to undertake what is just to curb criminal activity. In various countries, organized crime have substituted for the various roles of the state, serving as an obstacle to economic growth and to the development of budding democracies. Corruption as a social phenomenon and problem is not constrained by geographic borders. Each nation does have its own share of clientelism, patronage and selfish government officials. While certain nations only have a handful of common denominators in the historical, political and economic spheres, this does not imply they may not share the same corruption issues (Thachuk, 1995). While this may be the daunting case, majority of these nations have expressed their willingness to participate, share their competence, undertake training and work collaboratively with non-government organizations to solve the problem. These NGOs are hopeful that there may be mechanisms ingrained in government structure that may be utilized for detecting corrupt activities, reprimanding those involved and to attempt to foolproof the system (well nearly). In the long haul, countries are bound to feel the tension exerted on them to comply with anti-corruption measures. Democracy shall cease to be a faà §ade in promoting corrupt activities of transnational crime groups, conspiring with government officials, security and police personnel, and customs officers. Simultaneously, the pressure for governments to increase honesty and integrity in their dealings will also be focused on. The driver for these changes shall be sourced from â€Å"grassroots movements† fueled by media support. The documentation and critique of the corrupt activities of public officials is a crucial obstacle to curb immoral use of power (Thachuk, 2005). Some strategies being employed for reducing corruption may actually yield adverse results. Focus on business-related corruption is primarily motivated by Western interests which are usually detrimental to the less developed countries. An undesirable consequence arising from the labeling of nations as corrupt includes the realization of such labels through self-fulfilling prophecy. By garnering high ratings for corruption in Huberts or TI surveys, corrupt practices may actually become normalized or socially accepted in those communities (Beare, 1997). The Council of Europe utilizes a FATF-type evaluation procedure which allows member states to evaluate each other in terms of their anti-money laundering and corruption conventions. Through the meticulous review of anti-corruption legislation and policies from the different countries, corruption could then be placed in its proper context and positive results might then be achieved. However, the characteristic of corruption being deeply ingrained within the culture of different societies and thus taking various forms, may prove to be quite a hindrance (Beare, 1997). Corruption can be quite enticing for certain governments, high-ranking officials, corporations and sectors of the public. Then, it would not be advisable to think along the line that one can corruption-proof an area. On the other hand, a system should be put in place which constantly strives to create and maintain a culture of intolerance towards corruption. A possible means for combating corruption would be through changes in the personnel or other conditions such as the economic and social climate. By focusing on certain aspects of corruption, these can then be specifically identified and consequently addressed. References Beare, M. (1997). Corruption and organized crime: Lessons from history. Crime, Law Social Change, 28, 155-172. Beare, M.E. (1996). Criminal conspiracies: organized crime in canada. Toronto: Nelson Canada. Bonanno, A. Constance, D. (1996). Caught in the net: The global tuna industry. In   Environmentalism and the state. Lawrence Kansas: University of Kansas Press. Companies and their consciences. In the Economist, 1996 July 20, 15. Criminal Justice International. (1996). 1995 TI Corruption Index, 12(4), July-August. Global Corruption Report 2001. (2001). Politics and patronage: Democratic ideals compromised. Transparency International. Harvard caught up in Moscow row.(1997). The Independent, 22 May. Huberts, L. (1996). Expert views on public corruption around the globe. PSPA Publications, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Boelelaan, The Netherlands. Introductory Proceedings ADB/OECD Conference on Combating Corruption in Asian and Pacific Economies. (1999). Asian Development Bank. Labrouse, A. Wallon, A. (eds.) (1993). La Planete des drogues: organisations criminelles, guerres el blanchiment. Paris: Editions du Seuil. Leiken, R.S. (1996). Controlling the global corruption epidemic. Foreign Policy, 55-73. MacArthur, J.R. (1997). The real corrupters of the US electoral system. Globe and Mail, 21 March, Al7. Mollen Commission Report. (1994). Commission to investigate allegations of police corruption and the anti-corruption procedures of the police department, 7 July. Myers, W. (1997). Interview with Director of the Centerfor the Study of Asian Organized Crime. In Beare, M. Corruption and organized crime: Lessons from history. Crime, Law Social Change, 28, 155-172. National legislation and its adequacy to deal with the various forms of organized transnational crime: appropriate guidelines for legislative and other measures to be taken on the national level. Background document for the World Ministerial Conference on Organized Transnational Crime (Naples, 21-23 November 1994), 23. Noble, R. (2001). Interpol Press Release, Oct. 8. Savona, E. Defeo, M. (1994). Money trails: International money laundering trends and prevention/control policies, Helsinki Institute for Crime Prevention and Control (HEUNI) Report prepared for the International Conference on Preventing and Controlling Money Laundering and the Use of Proceeds of Crime: A Global Approach. Courmayeur: June. Savona, E.U. (1995). Beyond criminal law in devising anticorruption policies: lessonsfrom the italian experience. Research Group on Transnational Crime, School of Law, University of Trento, Italy. Thachuk, K. (2005). Corruption and international security. SAIS Review, 25(1), Academic Research Library, 143. Transparency International. (2001). Transparency International Newsletter. (2001). December 2001. Wright, R. (1997). Democracies in peril: Freedoms excesses reduce democracys life span. Special report to the Los Angeles Times, 17   February.

Innocence vs. Immorality in Othello Essay -- Othello essays

Innocence vs. Immorality in Othello  Ã‚        Ã‚   In William Shakespeare’s tragic drama Othello we find a wide array of moral and immoral conduct, a full range of life’s goodness and badness. Let us in this paper examine the specific types of each, and how they affect the outcome.    In Shakespeare’s Four Giants Blanche Coles comments on the lack of veracity in Iago’s speech:    The story that Iago tells Roderigo about the promotion of Cassio over him is not true, although it has been accepted by many discriminating scholars. Careless reading alone can account for this misapprehension, careless reading which for the moment dulls their alertness to one of the most essential requirements of Shakespearean character analysis. That requirement is that the reader must never accept, or must always be ready to challenge, the word of any character unless the veracity of that character has been established, or unless the statement is accepted by more than one person of confirmed honesty. (76)    Iago’s lying is a type of immoral conduct which the ancient practices from beginning to end of the drama. But is lying his chief motivating evil? Roderigo’s opening lines to Iago in Act 1 Scene 1 take us to the very root of the problem:      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Tush! never tell me; I take it much unkindly   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   That thou, Iago, who hast had my purse   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   As if the strings were thine, shouldst know of this. (1.1)    In other words, the wealthy playboy has been paying off the ancient for the soldier’s intercession with Desdemona on behalf of Roderigo. This payoff has been in progress before the play begins, and it continues even in Cyprus. Yes, it would seem that money is at the root of Iago’s moral downfall, and of all the t... ...rce of evil, namely his supposedly false wife. But Emilia is the one who, in asserting the innocence of her murdered mistress, resuscitates morality in this play. Emilia refutes the untrue notions which Othello says motivated him to kill; she counters Iago’s lies (â€Å"She give it Cassio? No, alas, I found it, / And I did give’t my husband.†) and lays the guilt for Desdemona’s murder on his shoulders. And she sacrifices her very life for the truth; she dies a martyr, stabbed by evil Iago. Othello also is a martyr in a sense, paying in full for the crime that he committed.    WORKS CITED    Shakespeare, William. Othello. In The Electric Shakespeare. Princeton University. 1996. http://www.eiu.edu/~multilit/studyabroad/othello/othello_all.html No line nos.    Coles, Blanche. Shakespeare’s Four Giants. Rindge, New Hampshire: Richard Smith Publisher, 1957.

Biography of Kate Chopin Essay

Kate Chopin was an American author of short stories and novels. Considered as one of the earliest feminist authors of the 20th century, she was one of the most-celebrated female writers of her time. She wrote several short stories including The Story of an Hour (1894), Euphrase (1850), Mrs. Mobry’s Reason (1891), A Shameful Affair (1893), and many others. Her literature usually described her own life, reflecting the time she lived in and the life she led. When readers look into her literature, they do not only read what is on the text but also try to understand the context. When you look through her fiction, you might notice that the contexts include the life of the author, the time it was written and the social condition during the time it was set, among others. One of her short stories, The Story of an Hour, depicts a woman’s reactions to the news of her husband’s death, upon reading which I found connections between her life and the life of the main character of the short story. Background and early life After Kate Chopin’s father was killed in a train accident, she moved into a household of women in St. Louis. As a girl she was mentored mainly by women – her mother, her grandmother, and her great grandmother. She also had deep bonds with her family members, the sisters who taught her at school, and with her life-long friend Kitty Garasche. A lot of the fiction Kate wrote was hugely influenced by the women she grew up with, especially regarding her views about feminism, and women. In 1870, at the age of 20, she settled in New Orleans. Oscar, her husband, bought a general store in Cloutierville, but in 1882 he died of malaria and left Kate with $12,000 in debt (approximately $229,360 in 2005 dollars). Kate Chopin was widowed at 32. She attempted to run the plantation and store alone but with no success. Two years later, she sold her Louisiana business. Her mother wanted her to move back to St. Louis. The following year, her mother died. After the loss of both her husband and the mother, Kate Chopin found herself drifting into the realms of depression. Her doctor felt that writing would be a good way for her to heal this developing depression. Her doctor understood that writing could serve as a focus for her energy as well as a source of income. She thus indulged herself and became successful, and found many of her work getting published. However, some of her writings were far too ahead of their times and she faced lack of acceptance for almost 12 years. Literary works with examples Kate Chopin commented on the importance of describing â€Å"human existence in its subtle, complex, true meaning, stripped of the veil with which ethical and conventional standards have draped it† (1894). An interview on the PBS website for Kate Chopin says, â€Å"I think she was much more interested in the excitement, the civilization that came in her circle of intellectual friends. That was freedom, the freedom to explore ideas† (PBS, 1999). Kate was neither a feminist nor a suffragist, she said so. She was nonetheless a woman who took women extremely seriously. She never doubted the woman’s ability to be strong. She came from a long line of strong women whom she loved and respected, owing to the affiliation with her great-grandmother, grandmother, and mother. She had strong intellectual women friends. Her lack of interest in feminism and suffrage did not have anything to do with a lack of confidence in women, nor did it have a lot to do with a lack of desire for freedom. She simply had a different understanding of freedom. She saw freedom as much more a matter of spirit, soul, and character than anything else, of living your life within the constraints that the world makes [or] your God offers you, because all of us do live within constraints. There is no indication that â€Å"she regretted her marriage, or regretted being a mother† (PBS, 1999). Early 1970s was the period thriving with women’s rights movements, and Kate Chopin was one leading contributor to the said phenomenon. She contributed a lot through her writings about women, daytime dramas, the feminine mystique, women’s liberation, Mars vs. Venus, self-help and commentary on open marriages. You can see how Kate Chopin’s life event (train accident, A Widow, and Freedom for Women) influenced her fictions through The Story of an Hour. One of the main events in the story is a man’s loss, namely Mrs. Mallard’s husband. Josephine, Mrs. Mallard’s sister, brought the sad message that there was a railroad disaster and of those listed as killed included Brently Mallard, who was Mrs. Mallard’s husband. In Kate’s life, there had been a similar loss. That someone was her father who passed away in a railroad accident in 1855. Furthermore, Mrs. Mallard is in due course assumed to be a widow, but readers will soon find out that Mr. Mallard is alive. In Kate’s life, her father had widowed her mother. Both had experienced what it’s like to be a widow but of course, the response to the loss may entirely be different. In the end, before she learnt of Brently’s return from the accident, Louise died of heart disease – of joy that kills. This could suggest that she had a moment of monstrous joy, which consumed her and overwhelmed her to death. Perhaps Chopin would just let Louise die instead of seeing Brently again, causing her to remain imprisoned and be confined to her husband’s hands. Lastly, in The Story of An Hour, Chopin made no suggestion to the readers that Mrs. Mallard was sorry for her husband’s loss. Instead, she uttered under her breath, â€Å"free, free, and free! † which suggests how happy Mrs. Mallard was to have lost her husband, because she now has freedom of herself. The joy she feels after regaining her freedom is something which consumes her. In Kate’s life, a lot of her work mentioned the rise in the rights of women. She experienced a period where there was a decline in those rights and women were deprived of public needs like education, the right to vote, the right to property and their children. Those events drove her to write the kind of feminist text she did instead of dedicating herself to other themes. As observed, literature can bring us to the world of the author. Literary works reflect the time, state of mind, and the life of the author. By understanding the connection between Kate Chopin and Mrs. Mallard in the short story, The Story of an Hour, it can be confirmed that the novel portrayed a reference to Kate Chopin’s life since most of the events (train accident, A Widow, and Freedom for Women) in Louise’s life are similar to, or at least greatly influenced by her own. References Chopin, K. (1894). One Story. PBS (Director). (1999). Kate Chopin: A Re-Awakening [Motion Picture].

Shakespeare Gender Stereotypes - 1049 Words

Impact of Gender Stereotypes to Shakespeare’s Plays Imagine living in Shakespeare’s time, when expectations were held at a higher standard for both men and women. A time when what gender you were dictated what you could and could not do. Male supremacy ruled the world, and therefore women were subjected, â€Å"‘To suckle fools and chronicle small beer.’† (Othello 2.1.132) This means that the woman’s only responsibilities in life was to nurse her children and take care of her home. These kinds of gender stereotypes greatly impacted Shakespeare’s plays because it was a shared belief among the majority of the Elizabethan people. Elizabethan women were seen as inferior to the Elizabethan men. They were raised at a young age to be submissive to the†¦show more content†¦In the beginning of Othello, Othello wants to marry Desdemona, but like many of the men during this time, he sees her only as a possession that can better his reputation. By owning Desdemona, Othello would have it all; a beautiful, submissive wife, an honorable job as a general, and not to mention, he was a man of color, which is an accomplishment within itself. Another example of masculinity is in Hamlet. Hamlet is found grieving over his dead father by King Claudius and is scorned for acting like a woman. King Claudius, disgusted by Hamlet says, â€Å"Tis unmanly grief.’† (1.2.91) A shift in masculine traits can also be found in Romeo and Juliet, when Juliet begins to show strength and intelligence, both of which are traits that are associated with men. She goes against her parents’ wishes and continues to see Ro meo in secret, which consequently leads to Juliets demise. Sampson, a character in Romeo and Juliet, seems to have a particular mindset about masculinity. He believes that because he bigger and stronger he can do whatever he wants. An example of this is when Sampson and his friend plot to rape and then murder the young maids. He justifies his plot by telling Gregory that the maids are weak and already being taken advantage of why shouldn’t they be able to take advantage of them too? In many of Shakespeare’s tragic plays the male characters are continually trying to preserve their imageShow MoreRelatedIn many of his plays, Shakespeare demonstrates ideas of gender and racial stereotypes. Othello, a1100 Words   |  5 PagesIn many of his plays, Shakespeare demonstrates ideas of gender and racial stereotypes. Othello, a play in which characters are judged based on sex and appearance, is an example of these stereotypes. Othello’s non-white ethnic background provide s a platform for racial conflict. The characters of Desdemona and Emilia allow for sexism and gender conflict. These themes of Othello are closely related because of the similar prejudice and stereotypes. The sexism and racism in Othello allow for racist tonesRead MoreGender Stereotypes : Macbeth And The Wife Of Bath1515 Words   |  7 PagesThere is no doubt that gender stereotypes still exist, although many women throughout the history had put their effort to lessen it. As the matter of fact, women often faced many obstacles due to the well-known gender stereotypes. This triggered the literature authors to write a literature in a feminist view, which ultimately had led feminism to predominantly act as a common literary device throughout the medieval ages and the Renaissance. While many authors portrayed women as a weak stereotypicalRead MoreWilliam Shakespeare s Twelfth Night1155 Words   |  5 Pagesmade for them based on gender and social status. William Shakespeare reinforce s these ideas in his play Twelfth Night, which introduces many meaningful messages about situations that still occur in society today. He clearly develops important themes worthy of analysis. A few of these strong themes are about stereotypes and society’s expectations and rules, which he proves to be irrelevant most of the time. Many situations in the play falsify commonly held stereotypes about gender and social status byRead MoreHow William Shakespeare And Carol Ann Duffys Subverting The Gender Roles Of Gender And Feminism1430 Words   |  6 PagesOctober 2017 How do William Shakespeare and Carol Ann Duffy subvert traditional roles of gender and sexuality in â€Å"From Mrs Tiresias† and â€Å"Sonnet 20†? Both Carol Ann Duffy in â€Å"From Mrs Tiresias† and William Shakespeare in â€Å"Sonnet 20† subvert male gender roles by presenting the male protagonists with physical female traits. Both poets differ in their presentation of traditional gender roles and sexuality. In â€Å"From Mrs Tiresias†, Carol Ann Duffy subverts the gender role of men as strong masculineRead MoreOthello - Female Stereotypes Essay1108 Words   |  5 PagesWilliam Shakespeare extensively explores female stereotypes that occur during the playwright’s time. Throughout the Shakespearian era, women were seen as the inferior sex, over whom men had complete control and thus forcing women to act submissively and obediently in front of their husbands. Men believed that women were objects who just cooked meals, cleaned the house, and bore children while society just accepted these degrading roles. William Shakespeare extensively reinforces female stereotypes byRead MoreAs You Like It by William Shakespeare783 Words   |  3 PagesIn William Shakespeare’s play, As You Like It, the protagonist, Rosalind, disguises herself as a boy for the majority of the play. Rosalind is used by Shakespeare to help divulge a portion of Shakespeare’s personal life and als o show flaws in the unique stereotypes that are expected for boys and girls. Shakespeare’s main use for Rosalind was to illustrate the unique features and characteristics that boys and girls are expected to have and how easily they can be overlooked. Even though boys and girlsRead MoreWilliam Shakespeare And Carol Ann Duffys Subvert Traditional Roles Of Gender And Sexuality1740 Words   |  7 Pagesbibliography - 1,733 words. W/out the above - 1,361 words. Candidate number: 12610 How do William Shakespeare and Carol Ann Duffy subvert traditional roles of gender and sexuality in â€Å"From Mrs Tiresias† and â€Å"Sonnet 20†? Both Carol Ann Duffy in â€Å"From Mrs Tiresias† and William Shakespeare in â€Å"Sonnet 20† subvert male gender roles by presenting the male protagonists with physical female traits. Both Shakespeare and Duffy manipulate the reader’s expectations, using familiar poetic forms and imagery – theRead MoreEssay on Gender Stereotypes in the Merchant of Venice884 Words   |  4 PagesThemes in the Merchant of Venice Gender stereotypes are not a modern notion and as such expectations and limitations have always existed for both men and women. Fortunately women, who have formerly beared great burdens of discrimination, now have very liberated roles in society as a result of slowly shifting attitudes and values. Shakespeare was integral in challenging the subservient role expected of women in the 16th century. Throughout the play, ‘The Merchant of Venice’, women are expressed asRead MoreGender Roles In Macbeth894 Words   |  4 PagesManhood, Masculinity, and Gender Roles in Macbeth Gender stereotypes are oversimplified generalizations about the roles of each gender. In the play Macbeth, the author, William Shakespeare shows these stereotypes through the characters and their conflicts and challenges. Throughout the play, we develop an understanding about how the characters’ perspectives on what manhood and masculinity means, plays a huge part in the decisions they make. The general stereotype for men in this time periodRead MorePower Struggle In The Handmaids Tale By Margaret Atwood1373 Words   |  6 PagesRenowned playwright William Shakespeare, and contemporary novelist Margaret Atwood both explore power struggle from a feminist perspective. Shakespeare in ‘King Lear’ and Atwood in ‘The Handmaid’s Tale’ explore varying power struggles and their correlation to gender through their respective texts. Shakespeare and Atwood use the genders of their central characters to focus on power in historical and dystopian settings. Both authors explore religious frameworks, the types of power in a patriarchal